Day 26 โ Saturday, August 22, 2026
When Britain celebrated the 800th anniversary of the Magna Carta in 2015, I wrote a commentary entitled โA Magna Carta for Ethiopia?โ That commentary was subsequently included in the official register of the Magna Carta Trust, the organization dedicated to preserving the legacy of the Magna Carta.
(Read here: https://magnacarta800th.com/articles/a-magna-carta-for-ethiopia/ )
My argument in that commentary was not that Ethiopia should copy an English document written in medieval England. It was a plea for something deeper: an Ethiopian political order in which no ruler, government, political party, police officer, or public official is above the law; where government power is constrained by law; where the rights promised to citizens are real, enforceable, and meaningful and where the government partners with the people to serve them.
At the time, I ended my commentary with a mixture of hope and profound sadness:
โI must confess to my readers the great sadness I feel as I conclude this joyful commentary on the Magna Carta. I am deeply, deeply pained by the irony that I can freely celebrate and cherish an English charter of liberties written 800 years ago which is not even law today, yet I cannot do the same for the Ethiopian Constitution written only twenty years ago to usher a new era of freedom, justice and equality because it is not worth the paper it is written on!
It is time for an Ethiopian Magna Carta!!!โ
I then quoted the familiar biblical promise:
โWeeping may endure for a night, but joy cometh in the morning.โ
Ethiopiaโs dark nights are ending and her days in the bright sunlight of peace, progress and prosperity are about to begin.
The time for an Ethiopian Magna Carta arrived on August 21, 2026, as the Ethiopian National Dialogue Conference completed the final reading of the harmonized and validated reports from its eight agenda areas. I found myself reflecting on the accomplishments of more than 4,000 Ethiopians. The process had taken approximately four years to prepare and more than a month of intensive deliberations. Delegates came from across the country and from remarkably diverse backgrounds to confront some of Ethiopia’s most difficult political, social, economic, and institutional problems.
๐๐ก๐ ๐ช๐ฎ๐๐ฌ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐ง๐จ๐ฐ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ฌ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ฐ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ก๐๐ฉ๐ฉ๐๐ง๐๐ ๐๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐จ๐ง๐๐๐ซ๐๐ง๐๐. ๐๐ก๐ ๐ฅ๐๐ซ๐ ๐๐ซ ๐ช๐ฎ๐๐ฌ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐ข๐ฌ: ๐๐ก๐๐ญ ๐๐จ๐๐ฌ ๐ข๐ญ ๐ฆ๐๐๐ง ๐๐จ๐ซ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐? ๐๐ฒ ๐๐ง๐ฌ๐ฐ๐๐ซ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐จ๐ง๐๐๐ซ๐๐ง๐๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ ๐จ๐ง๐ ๐จ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฆ๐จ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐๐ช๐ฎ๐๐ง๐ญ๐ข๐๐ฅ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐๐จ๐๐ฎ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ๐ฌ ๐ข๐ง ๐ฆ๐จ๐๐๐ซ๐ง ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐ก๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐จ๐ซ๐ฒ. ๐๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ข๐ซ ๐๐ฌ๐ฉ๐ข๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐๐ง๐ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ญ๐๐ง๐ญ๐ข๐๐ฅ ๐ฌ๐ข๐ ๐ง๐ข๐๐ข๐๐๐ง๐๐, ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ฒ ๐๐๐ง ๐๐ ๐ฎ๐ง๐๐๐ซ๐ฌ๐ญ๐จ๐จ๐ ๐๐ฌ ๐๐ง ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐๐๐ ๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ซ๐ญ๐โ๐ ๐ ๐ซ๐๐๐ญ ๐๐ก๐๐ซ๐ญ๐๐ซ ๐ญ๐ก๐ซ๐จ๐ฎ๐ ๐ก ๐ฐ๐ก๐ข๐๐ก ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐ฉ๐๐จ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ข๐๐ฎ๐ฅ๐๐ญ๐ ๐ฐ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ฒ ๐๐ฑ๐ฉ๐๐๐ญ ๐๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐จ๐ซ๐๐๐ซ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ฒ ๐ฐ๐ข๐ฌ๐ก ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐ฎ๐ข๐ฅ๐.
๐
๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐๐ ๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐ง ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐๐ซ๐๐๐ญ ๐๐ก๐๐ซ๐ญ๐๐ซ
The Magna Carta of 1215 occupies a special place in the history of Western constitutional government because it became an early and powerful expression of a revolutionary idea: the ruler is not above the law. The charter emerged from a confrontation between King John and rebellious barons who opposed arbitrary royal power, excessive taxation, military failures, and violations of established rights and procedures. The barons ultimately forced the king to accept written constraints on his authority.
The Magna Carta was certainly not a modern democratic constitution. It was principally an agreement protecting the interests of the barons and other free subjects. Women, peasants, serfs, and most ordinary people had no meaningful role in negotiating or approving it. It certainly did not establish a democratic government.
Yet its historical significance lies in the principle it helped establish and the constitutional tradition it inspired and later prominently adopted in the US Constitution and many others: Government power can be limited and rulers must submit to the supremacy of law. Over the centuries, that principle became one of the foundations of constitutionalism, the rule of law, due process, and accountable government.
๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐’๐ฌ ๐จ๐ฐ๐ง ๐ญ๐ซ๐๐๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐จ๐ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ฎ๐ง๐๐๐ซ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ซ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ ๐จ๐ ๐ฅ๐๐ฐ
Ethiopia, of course, does not need to borrow the idea of lawful and responsible government from England. Long before modern democratic institutions, Ethiopia developed its own traditions of law, justice, consultation, accountability, and obligations between rulers and the governed. The Fetha Negest, for example, represents an important Ethiopian tradition of defining political and social authority through law, justice, and duties toward the governed.
Likewise, Ethiopia’s indigenous institutions of conflict resolutionโincluding Gadaa, Shimglina, Xeer, Abo Gereb, Afersata, Dubusha, Zewold, and many othersโdemonstrate that consultation, collective responsibility, reconciliation, consensus-building, and community participation have deep roots in Ethiopian society. Ethiopia’s constitutional and participatory aspirations did not begin with modern Western democracy. They have indigenous, religious, customary, and legal foundations of their own.
๐๐ก๐ ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐๐ข๐๐ฅ๐จ๐ ๐ฎ๐ ๐๐จ๐ง๐๐๐ซ๐๐ง๐๐ ๐ซ๐๐ฉ๐ซ๐๐ฌ๐๐ง๐ญ๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐จ๐ซ๐ญ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐จ๐ ๐ ๐๐จ๐ซ๐๐ข๐ ๐ง ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐ฆ๐จ๐๐๐ฅ, ๐๐ฎ๐ญ ๐๐ง ๐จ๐ฉ๐ฉ๐จ๐ซ๐ญ๐ฎ๐ง๐ข๐ญ๐ฒ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐ซ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฆ๐ ๐จ๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐’๐ฌ ๐๐๐๐ฉ๐๐ฌ๐ญ ๐ญ๐ซ๐๐๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐จ๐ ๐๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ญ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐๐ง๐ ๐๐จ๐ฅ๐ฅ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐ฏ๐ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐ฅ๐๐ฆ-๐ฌ๐จ๐ฅ๐ฏ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ข๐ง๐ญ๐จ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฆ๐จ๐๐๐ซ๐ง ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐จ๐ซ๐๐๐ซ.
๐
๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ ๐ซ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐๐ซ๐ฌ ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฌ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฅ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐ณ๐๐ง๐ฌ ๐ฌ๐ก๐๐ฉ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฅ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ
For much of Ethiopia’s modern history, the relationship between rulers and citizens has predominantly been one in which political authority flowed downward. Rulers and political elites defined the political order and expected citizens to live within it.
Imperial governments governed through highly centralized authority and traditions of royal legitimacy. The military government proclaimed a socialist state and constitution from above. Later rebels-cum-political elites established constitutional and institutional arrangements with little participation of ordinary Ethiopians and limited influence over the fundamental rules governing their political lives.
The National Dialogue Conference offers an important departure from this tradition. For the first time on such a national scale, thousands of Ethiopians from different regions, communities, political perspectives, and social backgrounds came together for more than a month in one location to identify problems, debate their causes, articulate their concerns, and propose solutions in the form recommendations themselves
๐๐ก๐ข๐ฌ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ซ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐ก๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐จ๐ซ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐ฌ๐ข๐ ๐ง๐ข๐๐ข๐๐๐ง๐๐ ๐จ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ, ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ญ๐ข๐ฆ๐๐ญ๐ ๐จ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ฉ๐ฎ๐ญ ๐จ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐จ๐ง๐๐๐ซ๐๐ง๐๐. ๐๐ก๐๐ฒ ๐๐ซ๐ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ฌ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐๐ข๐๐ฌ ๐๐ซ๐๐๐ญ๐๐ ๐ข๐ง๐ฌ๐ข๐๐ ๐ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ฆ๐ข๐ง๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐ซ๐ฒ. ๐๐ก๐๐ฒ ๐๐ซ๐ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ฌ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐ฎ๐๐ญ ๐จ๐ ๐ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ฒ ๐จ๐ซ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ข๐๐๐๐ฌ ๐จ๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐ฆ๐ข๐๐ฌ, ๐๐ข๐ฉ๐ฅ๐จ๐ฆ๐๐ญ๐ฌ, ๐ญ๐๐๐ก๐ง๐จ๐๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ฌ, ๐จ๐ซ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐๐ฌ. ๐๐ก๐๐ฒ ๐๐ซ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐ฎ๐๐ญ ๐จ๐ ๐ ๐ง๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐๐จ๐ง๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ฌ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐ข๐ง๐ฏ๐จ๐ฅ๐ฏ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐จ๐ฎ๐ฌ๐๐ง๐๐ฌ ๐จ๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง๐ฌ ๐๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ ๐๐ฅ๐ฅ ๐ฐ๐๐ฅ๐ค๐ฌ ๐จ๐ ๐ฅ๐ข๐๐ ๐ฐ๐ก๐จ ๐ฐ๐๐ซ๐ ๐ ๐ข๐ฏ๐๐ง ๐๐ง ๐จ๐ฉ๐ฉ๐จ๐ซ๐ญ๐ฎ๐ง๐ข๐ญ๐ฒ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐๐ฅ๐ข๐๐๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ ๐จ๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ง๐ญ๐ซ๐ฒ’๐ฌ ๐ฆ๐จ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐๐ข๐๐๐ข๐๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ญ ๐ช๐ฎ๐๐ฌ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ. ๐๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ฆ๐๐ค๐๐ฌ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐๐ฑ๐ญ๐ซ๐๐จ๐ซ๐๐ข๐ง๐๐ซ๐ข๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ฌ๐ข๐ ๐ง๐ข๐๐ข๐๐๐ง๐ญ.
๐ ๐๐๐ ๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ ๐ข๐ง ๐ซ๐๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ฌ๐
๐๐ก๐๐ซ๐ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฐ๐๐ซ๐๐ฎ๐ฅ ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐๐ฅ๐ฅ๐๐ฅ ๐๐๐ญ๐ฐ๐๐๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐๐ ๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ ๐๐ง๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐’๐ฌ ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐๐ข๐๐ฅ๐จ๐ ๐ฎ๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ. ๐๐ก๐ ๐๐๐ ๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ ๐ซ๐๐ฉ๐ซ๐๐ฌ๐๐ง๐ญ๐๐ ๐๐ง ๐๐๐ซ๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ฆ๐จ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ฐ๐ก๐๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ซ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐๐ ๐๐๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ซ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐๐ซ ๐๐๐๐๐ฉ๐ญ ๐ฅ๐ข๐ฆ๐ข๐ญ๐ฌ ๐จ๐ง ๐ก๐ข๐ฌ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฐ๐๐ซ. ๐๐ก๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐๐ข๐๐ฅ๐จ๐ ๐ฎ๐ ๐ซ๐๐ฉ๐ซ๐๐ฌ๐๐ง๐ญ๐ฌ ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฆ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ญ๐๐ง๐ญ๐ข๐๐ฅ๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐๐ฏ๐๐ง ๐ฆ๐จ๐ซ๐ ๐๐ฑ๐ฉ๐๐ง๐ฌ๐ข๐ฏ๐: ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ข๐ง๐ฏ๐ข๐ญ๐๐ ๐๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐ณ๐๐ง๐ฌ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ข๐๐ฎ๐ฅ๐๐ญ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ก๐๐ง๐ ๐๐ฌ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ฒ ๐๐๐ฅ๐ข๐๐ฏ๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐ ๐ง๐๐๐๐ฌ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฌ๐ ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฅ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ง๐ญ๐ซ๐ฒ’๐ฌ ๐๐๐๐ฉ๐๐ฌ๐ญ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐ฅ๐๐ฆ๐ฌ.
The Magna Carta was extracted from a king under the pressure of rebellion. The Ethiopian Recommendations are the product of dialogue rather than battlefield victory; consultation rather than coercion; deliberation rather than armed confrontation. That distinction matters enormously. The historic message of the Conference is that Ethiopians do not have to resolve every political disagreement through violence. Political grievances can be brought to the table. Competing interests can be debated. Differences can be negotiated. Common ground can be found.
๐๐ก๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐๐ฌ ๐ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฉ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐๐ซ ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐
The most important question now is what happens to the Recommendations. They should not be treated as another government report destined to sit on a shelf. They should be understood as a popular mandate for reform.
The Recommendations cover an extraordinary range of issues. They include proposals concerning constitutional reform, public policy, institutional and regulatory reform, economic restructuring, fiscal and monetary policy, research and future policymaking, and reforms intended to improve the long-term performance and productivity of the Ethiopian economy. Taken together, they constitute a remarkably broad diagnosis of the problems facing the country and a menu of possible solutions. They demonstrate the intelligence, diligence, practical knowledge, and political maturity of the delegates.
๐๐ฎ๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ข๐ซ ๐ฌ๐ข๐ ๐ง๐ข๐๐ข๐๐๐ง๐๐ ๐ ๐จ๐๐ฌ ๐๐๐ฒ๐จ๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ข๐ง๐๐ข๐ฏ๐ข๐๐ฎ๐๐ฅ ๐ซ๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ. ๐๐ก๐๐ฒ ๐ซ๐๐ฉ๐ซ๐๐ฌ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ ๐ง๐๐ฐ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฌ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ซ๐๐ฅ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐ก๐ข๐ฉ ๐๐๐ญ๐ฐ๐๐๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐ฌ๐ญ๐๐ญ๐ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐ฉ๐๐จ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐: ๐๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐๐จ๐๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ก๐๐ฏ๐ ๐๐ฅ๐ฅ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ง๐ฌ๐ฐ๐๐ซ๐ฌ. ๐๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐๐จ๐๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ค๐ง๐จ๐ฐ ๐๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ฒ๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐ง๐ . ๐๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ฆ๐ฎ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐ฅ๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐๐ง. ๐๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ฆ๐ฎ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ญ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ฐ๐จ๐ซ๐ค ๐ฐ๐ข๐ญ๐ก ๐๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐ณ๐๐ง๐ฌ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง. ๐๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ฆ๐๐ฒ ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ญ๐ข๐ฆ๐๐ญ๐๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐ฏ๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐จ๐ง๐๐๐ซ๐๐ง๐๐’๐ฌ ๐ฆ๐จ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐๐ง๐๐ฎ๐ซ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐๐จ๐ง๐ญ๐ซ๐ข๐๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง.
๐๐ก๐ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐๐ฌ ๐ฌ๐๐ซ๐ฏ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ง๐๐ซ ๐จ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐๐จ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐
The Recommendations embody a different conception of political authority. In the traditional authoritarian model, the government tells society what it must do. In a participatory democratic model, government listens to society, works with society, and derives legitimacy from serving the public interest.
๐๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐๐ข๐๐ฅ๐จ๐ ๐ฎ๐ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐๐ฌ๐ฌ, ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ก๐๐ฌ ๐ข๐ง๐ฏ๐ข๐ญ๐๐ ๐๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐ณ๐๐ง๐ฌ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ข๐๐ข๐ฉ๐๐ญ๐ ๐ข๐ง ๐ฌ๐๐ฅ๐-๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐๐ง๐๐ ๐๐ฒ ๐๐ฌ๐ค๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ฆ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ข๐๐๐ง๐ญ๐ข๐๐ฒ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐ฅ๐๐ฆ๐ฌ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฌ๐ ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฅ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ. ๐๐ฒ ๐๐จ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ฌ๐จ, ๐ข๐ญ ๐ก๐๐ฌ ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ข๐๐ข๐ญ๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ซ๐๐๐จ๐ ๐ง๐ข๐ณ๐๐ ๐๐ง๐ ๐๐๐๐๐ฉ๐ญ๐๐ ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฆ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐ง๐ ๐๐ฎ๐ง๐๐๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ๐๐ฅ: ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐๐จ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐ซ๐ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ฆ๐๐ซ๐๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ฌ๐ฎ๐๐ฃ๐๐๐ญ๐ฌ ๐จ๐ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ; ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ฒ ๐๐ซ๐ ๐ฌ๐ญ๐๐ค๐๐ก๐จ๐ฅ๐๐๐ซ๐ฌ, ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ข๐๐ข๐ฉ๐๐ง๐ญ๐ฌ, ๐๐ง๐ ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ญ๐ข๐ฆ๐๐ญ๐๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฎ๐ซ๐๐ ๐จ๐ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐ฅ๐๐ ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐ฆ๐๐๐ฒ. ๐๐ก๐ข๐ฌ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ฐ๐ก๐ฒ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐๐๐ง ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ ๐ ๐ฆ๐จ๐๐๐ซ๐ง ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐๐ช๐ฎ๐ข๐ฏ๐๐ฅ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐จ๐ ๐ ๐๐ซ๐๐๐ญ ๐๐ก๐๐ซ๐ญ๐๐ซ, ๐ ๐๐๐ ๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ซ๐ญ๐.
๐๐ก๐ ๐ซ๐๐ฌ๐ฉ๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐ข๐๐ข๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ฒ ๐จ๐ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ
The Ethiopian government’s response will determine whether this historic opportunity is realized. PM Abiy Ahmed has repeatedly expressed his intention to implement the recommendations of the National Dialogue Conference with good will and in good faith. That commitment should now be translated into a serious, systematic, transparent implementation program.
Implementation does not mean that every recommendation must be adopted immediately or literally. Some recommendations will require constitutional amendments. Others will require legislation, regulations, institutional reforms, policy changes, research, resources, or further public consultation.
Government must distinguish between what can be implemented immediately and what requires longer-term institutional or constitutional change. It should prioritize recommendations that address root causes rather than merely symptoms, while recognizing that practical constraintsโincluding financial resources, institutional capacity, technical expertise, time, and administrative capabilityโwill inevitably affect implementation.
๐๐ก๐ ๐ญ๐๐ฌ๐ญ ๐จ๐ ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐ฌ๐ก๐จ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐ ๐ฌ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐: ๐๐จ๐๐ฌ ๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐ฌ ๐ซ๐๐๐จ๐ซ๐ฆ ๐๐๐๐ซ๐๐ฌ๐ฌ ๐ ๐ ๐๐ง๐ฎ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ง๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐ฅ๐๐ฆ? ๐๐ฌ ๐ข๐ญ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ? ๐๐ฌ ๐ข๐ญ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ซ๐๐๐๐ฅ๐? ๐๐๐ง ๐ข๐ญ ๐๐ ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐ฏ๐๐ฅ๐ฒ? ๐๐ข๐ฅ๐ฅ ๐ข๐ญ ๐ฌ๐ญ๐ซ๐๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ง ๐ข๐ง๐ฌ๐ญ๐ข๐ญ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ก๐๐ซ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ง ๐ฐ๐๐๐ค๐๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ฆ? ๐๐ข๐ฅ๐ฅ ๐ข๐ญ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐ฎ๐๐ ๐ฎ๐ง๐ข๐ง๐ญ๐๐ง๐๐๐ ๐๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐๐ช๐ฎ๐๐ง๐๐๐ฌ? ๐๐ง๐ ๐๐จ๐๐ฌ ๐ข๐ญ ๐๐๐ฏ๐๐ง๐๐ ๐ ๐ฆ๐จ๐ซ๐ ๐ฉ๐๐๐๐๐๐ฎ๐ฅ, ๐ข๐ง๐๐ฅ๐ฎ๐ฌ๐ข๐ฏ๐, ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ง๐ญ๐๐๐ฅ๐, ๐๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ฆ๐จ๐๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ข๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐? ๐๐ก๐๐ซ๐ ๐ฌ๐๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐๐ฅ ๐ฅ๐๐ ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐ฆ๐๐ญ๐ ๐จ๐ฉ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐๐ฑ๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ, ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ฌ๐ก๐จ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐ก๐จ๐จ๐ฌ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ฉ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐๐ก ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐๐๐ฌ๐ญ ๐๐ข๐ญ๐ฌ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐’๐ฌ ๐ข๐ง๐ฌ๐ญ๐ข๐ญ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ, ๐๐ข๐ง๐๐ง๐๐ข๐๐ฅ, ๐๐ง๐ ๐จ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐ซ๐๐๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐ฌ. ๐๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ ๐ซ๐๐ฃ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐จ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐๐จ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐’๐ฌ ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐. ๐๐ญ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ก๐จ๐ฐ ๐ ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐๐ฌ ๐ฐ๐จ๐ซ๐ค๐๐๐ฅ๐ ๐ฉ๐ฎ๐๐ฅ๐ข๐ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐๐ฒ.
๐
๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ ๐ง๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐๐ข๐๐ฅ๐จ๐ ๐ฎ๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ ๐ง๐๐ฐ ๐ฌ๐จ๐๐ข๐๐ฅ ๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฉ๐๐๐ญ
The deepest significance of the Recommendations for me lies in their potential to become the foundation of a new Ethiopian social compact, one that is much more than a collection of government programs and policies. They should serve as a structured understanding between citizens and the state about how political power should be exercised, what citizens can expect from government, and what responsibilities government owes to society.
๐๐ก๐ ๐๐๐ ๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ ๐๐๐๐๐ฆ๐ ๐ก๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐จ๐ซ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐จ๐ซ๐ญ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐๐๐๐๐ฎ๐ฌ๐ ๐ข๐ญ ๐ก๐๐ฅ๐ฉ๐๐ ๐๐ฌ๐ญ๐๐๐ฅ๐ข๐ฌ๐ก ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐ข๐ง๐๐ข๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐๐ฎ๐ญ๐ก๐จ๐ซ๐ข๐ญ๐ฒ ๐ก๐๐ฌ ๐ฅ๐ข๐ฆ๐ข๐ญ๐ฌ. ๐๐ก๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐๐ข๐๐ฅ๐จ๐ ๐ฎ๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐๐๐ง ๐๐ฌ๐ญ๐๐๐ฅ๐ข๐ฌ๐ก ๐๐ง ๐๐ช๐ฎ๐๐ฅ๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐จ๐ซ๐ญ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐ข๐ง๐๐ข๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐จ๐ซ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐: ๐๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐๐ฎ๐ญ๐ก๐จ๐ซ๐ข๐ญ๐ฒ ๐ฆ๐ฎ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐๐ ๐๐ฑ๐๐ซ๐๐ข๐ฌ๐๐ ๐ข๐ง ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ง๐๐ซ๐ฌ๐ก๐ข๐ฉ ๐ฐ๐ข๐ญ๐ก ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐๐จ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ข๐ง ๐ซ๐๐ฌ๐ฉ๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฅ๐๐ ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐ฆ๐๐ญ๐ ๐๐ฌ๐ฉ๐ข๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐จ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐๐จ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐.
The long-term goal should therefore be to translate the Recommendations, where appropriate, into constitutional, legislative, institutional, and policy reforms that endure beyond any particular government or political party. It should depend upon strong institutions, enforceable laws, democratic accountability, and an informed and engaged citizenry. That is how a political moment becomes a political settlement.
๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐’๐ฌ ๐ ๐ซ๐๐๐ญ ๐๐ฑ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐ข๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ข๐ง โ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฅ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐ฅ๐๐ฆ๐ฌโ
For me, one of the most important achievements of the National Dialogue Conference is that Ethiopia has demonstrated something to itself. Ethiopian problems can be addressed through Ethiopian dialogue.
The dialogue process was fundamentally Ethiopianโplanned, organized, managed, debated, and deliberated by Ethiopians. International partners and outside experts could offer assistance, but the central process belonged to Ethiopians. This is important because societies emerging from deep political and social divisions are often told that they must import models developed elsewhere. Ethiopia has demonstrated another possibility. Its own traditions of consultation, reconciliation, community deliberation, elder mediation, consensus-building, and collective responsibility can be adapted to modern national governance.
The Conference therefore offers a model not only for Ethiopia but potentially for other societies struggling with deep divisions. Its lesson is that peace does not require everyone to agree on everything. It requires institutions through which people can disagree without destroying one another.
The Conference did notโand could notโsolve every Ethiopian problem. No conference could. Ethiopia’s conflicts are too deep, its history too complicated, and its challenges too large. But it achieved something essential: it created a national space in which competing perspectives could be brought together, grievances could be expressed, solutions could be debated, and areas of common ground could be identified. That achievement should neither be exaggerated nor underestimated.
๐ ๐ฆ๐จ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐ก๐๐ง๐ ๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐ก๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐จ๐ซ๐ฒ
The significance of the National Dialogue Recommendations may not be fully understood today. History often reveals the importance of political documents only decades or centuries later. The Magna Carta itself did not create modern democracy in 1215. Its immediate beneficiaries were limited. Its provisions were repeatedly challenged and reissued. Yet the principles associated with it became part of a constitutional tradition that ultimately transformed Britain and influenced political thought around the world.
The Ethiopian National Dialogue Recommendations could have a similar historical trajectory. Their importance will depend upon what Ethiopia does with them. If they are ignored, they will become another missed opportunity. If they are selectively implemented for political convenience, their transformative potential will be diminished. But if they are treated as a national mandate for institutional reform, translated into durable laws and institutions, and protected from the changing interests of individual governments and political parties, they could become one of the foundational documents of a new Ethiopian political order.
In that sense, the comparison with Magna Carta is not a claim that the two documents are legally identical. It is a claim about historical aspiration and political significance. The Magna Carta said, in essence: The ruler is not above the law. The Ethiopian National Dialogue Recommendations can say something equally powerful: The government exists to serve the people, must listen to the people, must be accountable to the people, and must work with the people to solve the country’s problems. That is a profound change in political culture.
๐
๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ ๐ฐ๐๐๐ฉ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ฃ๐จ๐ฒ
On March 9, 2015, when I asked whether Ethiopia could have its own Magna Carta, I was writing out of frustration and hope. I longed for an Ethiopian political order in which the rule of law was more than words on paper and in which citizens could genuinely influence the political institutions that governed their lives.
Today, on August 22, 2026, I look at more than 4,000 Ethiopians who spent weeks deliberating over the country’s most difficult questions, following years of preparation, and I see a great consensus that gives me reason for hope. We did not simply talk about Ethiopia. We helped write a vision for Ethiopia to last for centuries. We came from different places. We carried different experiences. We held different political beliefs. We did not agree on everything. Yet we sat together. We listened. We argued. We negotiated. We searched for common ground. And WE produced recommendations when implemented will MAKE ETHIOPIA GREAT AGAIN. The Conference must end, but the national dialogue must continue.
๐๐ก๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐ฌ๐ก๐จ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ ๐ ๐ฌ๐ญ๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ข๐ง๐ญ ๐๐จ๐ซ ๐ ๐ง๐๐ฐ ๐๐ซ๐ ๐จ๐ ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง, ๐ข๐ง๐ฌ๐ญ๐ข๐ญ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐ซ๐๐๐จ๐ซ๐ฆ, ๐๐๐ฆ๐จ๐๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ข๐ ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ข๐๐ข๐ฉ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง, ๐๐ง๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ง๐ญ๐๐๐ฅ๐ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ. ๐๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐๐ ๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ ๐ก๐๐ฅ๐ฉ๐๐ ๐ญ๐๐๐๐ก ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฐ๐จ๐ซ๐ฅ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ซ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐๐ซ ๐ฆ๐ฎ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐๐ ๐ฌ๐ฎ๐๐ฃ๐๐๐ญ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ฅ๐๐ฐ, ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐’๐ฌ ๐๐ซ๐๐๐ญ ๐๐ก๐๐ซ๐ญ๐๐ซ ๐๐๐ง ๐ก๐๐ฅ๐ฉ ๐๐๐ฆ๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐ญ๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐๐ซ๐ข๐๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ฌ๐ญ๐ซ๐จ๐ง๐ ๐๐ฌ๐ญ ๐ฐ๐ก๐๐ง ๐ข๐ญ ๐ฅ๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐๐ง๐ฌ ๐ญ๐จ, ๐ฐ๐จ๐ซ๐ค๐ฌ ๐ฐ๐ข๐ญ๐ก, ๐๐ง๐ ๐ซ๐๐ฆ๐๐ข๐ง๐ฌ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ง๐ญ๐๐๐ฅ๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ข๐ญ๐ฌ ๐ฉ๐๐จ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐. ๐๐ก๐ข๐ฌ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ๐ข๐ฌ๐ ๐จ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐๐ข๐๐ฅ๐จ๐ ๐ฎ๐. ๐๐ญ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐๐๐๐ญ ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฅ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง. ๐๐ญ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ง๐ ๐จ๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐’๐ฌ ๐๐ข๐ฌ๐๐ ๐ซ๐๐๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ๐ฌ. ๐๐ญ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ข๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐ฐ๐จ๐ซ๐ ๐จ๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ง๐ญ๐ซ๐ฒ’๐ฌ ๐๐ฎ๐ญ๐ฎ๐ซ๐.
But it is a new beginning in which Ethiopians increasingly settle their differences not through force, but through dialogue; not through domination, but through compromise; not through rulers imposing their will upon society, but through citizens participating in shaping the government that serves them. If faithfully implemented and transformed into enduring institutions, the Recommendations of the Ethiopian National Dialogue Conference may come to be remembered generations from now as one of those rare moments when a nation changed the direction of its history.
What Magna Carta came to represent for Britain and the Western world, the Ethiopian National Dialogue Recommendations can become for Ethiopia and the African world: a Great Charter of popular participation, accountable government, constitutionalism, and a renewed social compact between the state and its people.
๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ง๐ค ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ฅ๐ฆ๐ข๐ ๐ก๐ญ๐ฒ.
This is finally the morning I have been waiting for after decades of watching helplessly generations being lost in political conflict.
๐
๐ซ๐ข๐๐ง๐๐ฌ, ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง๐ฌ, ๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ง๐ญ๐ซ๐ฒ๐ฆ๐๐ง ๐๐ง๐ ๐ฐ๐จ๐ฆ๐๐ง. ๐๐๐ง๐ ๐ฆ๐ ๐ฒ๐จ๐ฎ๐ซ ๐๐๐ซ๐ฌ!
๐๐ก๐ ๐ฐ๐๐๐ฉ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ง๐๐๐ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐๐ง๐๐ฎ๐ซ๐ ๐๐จ๐ซ๐๐ฏ๐๐ซ. ๐๐ก๐ ๐ฆ๐จ๐ซ๐ง๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ก๐๐ฌ ๐๐จ๐ฆ๐. ๐๐จ๐ฐ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ฒ๐จ๐ฎ๐ซ ๐ญ๐ข๐ฆ๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ ๐๐ญ ๐ฎ๐ฉ, ๐ฌ๐๐๐๐ฅ๐ ๐ฎ๐ฉ, ๐ฌ๐ฎ๐ข๐ญ ๐ฎ๐ฉ, ๐ ๐๐๐ซ ๐ฎ๐ฉ, ๐๐ฎ๐๐ค๐ฅ๐ ๐ฎ๐ฉ, ๐๐ง๐ ๐ฌ๐ญ๐๐ซ๐ญ ๐๐ฎ๐ข๐ฅ๐๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐๐ฐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐.
๐๐๐ญโ๐ฌ ๐๐ฅ๐ฅ ๐ฉ๐ฎ๐ญ ๐จ๐ฎ๐ซ ๐ฌ๐ก๐จ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐๐๐ซ๐ฌ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฐ๐ก๐๐๐ฅ, ๐ง๐จ๐ฌ๐๐ฌ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ ๐ซ๐ข๐ง๐๐ฌ๐ญ๐จ๐ง๐ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ฐ๐จ๐ซ๐ค ๐๐/๐/๐๐๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐.
๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐โค๏ธ
Originally posted on X (Twitter)
https://x.com/AlMariam1/status/2091425844233187457
Day 26 โ Saturday, August 22, 2026
When Britain celebrated the 800th anniversary of the Magna Carta in 2015, I wrote a commentary entitled โA Magna Carta for Ethiopia?โ That commentary was subsequently included in the official register of the Magna Carta Trust, the organization dedicated to preserving the legacy of the Magna Carta.
(Read here: https://magnacarta800th.com/articles/a-magna-carta-for-ethiopia/ )
My argument in that commentary was not that Ethiopia should copy an English document written in medieval England. It was a plea for something deeper: an Ethiopian political order in which no ruler, government, political party, police officer, or public official is above the law; where government power is constrained by law; where the rights promised to citizens are real, enforceable, and meaningful and where the government partners with the people to serve them.
At the time, I ended my commentary with a mixture of hope and profound sadness:
โI must confess to my readers the great sadness I feel as I conclude this joyful commentary on the Magna Carta. I am deeply, deeply pained by the irony that I can freely celebrate and cherish an English charter of liberties written 800 years ago which is not even law today, yet I cannot do the same for the Ethiopian Constitution written only twenty years ago to usher a new era of freedom, justice and equality because it is not worth the paper it is written on!
It is time for an Ethiopian Magna Carta!!!โ
I then quoted the familiar biblical promise:
โWeeping may endure for a night, but joy cometh in the morning.โ
Ethiopiaโs dark nights are ending and her days in the bright sunlight of peace, progress and prosperity are about to begin.
The time for an Ethiopian Magna Carta arrived on August 21, 2026, as the Ethiopian National Dialogue Conference completed the final reading of the harmonized and validated reports from its eight agenda areas. I found myself reflecting on the accomplishments of more than 4,000 Ethiopians. The process had taken approximately four years to prepare and more than a month of intensive deliberations. Delegates came from across the country and from remarkably diverse backgrounds to confront some of Ethiopia’s most difficult political, social, economic, and institutional problems.
๐๐ก๐ ๐ช๐ฎ๐๐ฌ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐ง๐จ๐ฐ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ฌ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ฐ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ก๐๐ฉ๐ฉ๐๐ง๐๐ ๐๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐จ๐ง๐๐๐ซ๐๐ง๐๐. ๐๐ก๐ ๐ฅ๐๐ซ๐ ๐๐ซ ๐ช๐ฎ๐๐ฌ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐ข๐ฌ: ๐๐ก๐๐ญ ๐๐จ๐๐ฌ ๐ข๐ญ ๐ฆ๐๐๐ง ๐๐จ๐ซ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐? ๐๐ฒ ๐๐ง๐ฌ๐ฐ๐๐ซ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐จ๐ง๐๐๐ซ๐๐ง๐๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ ๐จ๐ง๐ ๐จ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฆ๐จ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐๐ช๐ฎ๐๐ง๐ญ๐ข๐๐ฅ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐๐จ๐๐ฎ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ๐ฌ ๐ข๐ง ๐ฆ๐จ๐๐๐ซ๐ง ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐ก๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐จ๐ซ๐ฒ. ๐๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ข๐ซ ๐๐ฌ๐ฉ๐ข๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐๐ง๐ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ญ๐๐ง๐ญ๐ข๐๐ฅ ๐ฌ๐ข๐ ๐ง๐ข๐๐ข๐๐๐ง๐๐, ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ฒ ๐๐๐ง ๐๐ ๐ฎ๐ง๐๐๐ซ๐ฌ๐ญ๐จ๐จ๐ ๐๐ฌ ๐๐ง ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐๐๐ ๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ซ๐ญ๐โ๐ ๐ ๐ซ๐๐๐ญ ๐๐ก๐๐ซ๐ญ๐๐ซ ๐ญ๐ก๐ซ๐จ๐ฎ๐ ๐ก ๐ฐ๐ก๐ข๐๐ก ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐ฉ๐๐จ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ข๐๐ฎ๐ฅ๐๐ญ๐ ๐ฐ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ฒ ๐๐ฑ๐ฉ๐๐๐ญ ๐๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐จ๐ซ๐๐๐ซ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ฒ ๐ฐ๐ข๐ฌ๐ก ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐ฎ๐ข๐ฅ๐.
๐ ๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐๐ ๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐ง ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐๐ซ๐๐๐ญ ๐๐ก๐๐ซ๐ญ๐๐ซ
The Magna Carta of 1215 occupies a special place in the history of Western constitutional government because it became an early and powerful expression of a revolutionary idea: the ruler is not above the law. The charter emerged from a confrontation between King John and rebellious barons who opposed arbitrary royal power, excessive taxation, military failures, and violations of established rights and procedures. The barons ultimately forced the king to accept written constraints on his authority.
The Magna Carta was certainly not a modern democratic constitution. It was principally an agreement protecting the interests of the barons and other free subjects. Women, peasants, serfs, and most ordinary people had no meaningful role in negotiating or approving it. It certainly did not establish a democratic government.
Yet its historical significance lies in the principle it helped establish and the constitutional tradition it inspired and later prominently adopted in the US Constitution and many others: Government power can be limited and rulers must submit to the supremacy of law. Over the centuries, that principle became one of the foundations of constitutionalism, the rule of law, due process, and accountable government.
๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐’๐ฌ ๐จ๐ฐ๐ง ๐ญ๐ซ๐๐๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐จ๐ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ฎ๐ง๐๐๐ซ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ซ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ ๐จ๐ ๐ฅ๐๐ฐ
Ethiopia, of course, does not need to borrow the idea of lawful and responsible government from England. Long before modern democratic institutions, Ethiopia developed its own traditions of law, justice, consultation, accountability, and obligations between rulers and the governed. The Fetha Negest, for example, represents an important Ethiopian tradition of defining political and social authority through law, justice, and duties toward the governed.
Likewise, Ethiopia’s indigenous institutions of conflict resolutionโincluding Gadaa, Shimglina, Xeer, Abo Gereb, Afersata, Dubusha, Zewold, and many othersโdemonstrate that consultation, collective responsibility, reconciliation, consensus-building, and community participation have deep roots in Ethiopian society. Ethiopia’s constitutional and participatory aspirations did not begin with modern Western democracy. They have indigenous, religious, customary, and legal foundations of their own.
๐๐ก๐ ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐๐ข๐๐ฅ๐จ๐ ๐ฎ๐ ๐๐จ๐ง๐๐๐ซ๐๐ง๐๐ ๐ซ๐๐ฉ๐ซ๐๐ฌ๐๐ง๐ญ๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐จ๐ซ๐ญ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐จ๐ ๐ ๐๐จ๐ซ๐๐ข๐ ๐ง ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐ฆ๐จ๐๐๐ฅ, ๐๐ฎ๐ญ ๐๐ง ๐จ๐ฉ๐ฉ๐จ๐ซ๐ญ๐ฎ๐ง๐ข๐ญ๐ฒ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐ซ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฆ๐ ๐จ๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐’๐ฌ ๐๐๐๐ฉ๐๐ฌ๐ญ ๐ญ๐ซ๐๐๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐จ๐ ๐๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ญ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐๐ง๐ ๐๐จ๐ฅ๐ฅ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐ฏ๐ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐ฅ๐๐ฆ-๐ฌ๐จ๐ฅ๐ฏ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ข๐ง๐ญ๐จ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฆ๐จ๐๐๐ซ๐ง ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐จ๐ซ๐๐๐ซ.
๐ ๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ ๐ซ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐๐ซ๐ฌ ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฌ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฅ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐ณ๐๐ง๐ฌ ๐ฌ๐ก๐๐ฉ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฅ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ
For much of Ethiopia’s modern history, the relationship between rulers and citizens has predominantly been one in which political authority flowed downward. Rulers and political elites defined the political order and expected citizens to live within it.
Imperial governments governed through highly centralized authority and traditions of royal legitimacy. The military government proclaimed a socialist state and constitution from above. Later rebels-cum-political elites established constitutional and institutional arrangements with little participation of ordinary Ethiopians and limited influence over the fundamental rules governing their political lives.
The National Dialogue Conference offers an important departure from this tradition. For the first time on such a national scale, thousands of Ethiopians from different regions, communities, political perspectives, and social backgrounds came together for more than a month in one location to identify problems, debate their causes, articulate their concerns, and propose solutions in the form recommendations themselves
๐๐ก๐ข๐ฌ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ซ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐ก๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐จ๐ซ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐ฌ๐ข๐ ๐ง๐ข๐๐ข๐๐๐ง๐๐ ๐จ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ, ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ญ๐ข๐ฆ๐๐ญ๐ ๐จ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ฉ๐ฎ๐ญ ๐จ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐จ๐ง๐๐๐ซ๐๐ง๐๐. ๐๐ก๐๐ฒ ๐๐ซ๐ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ฌ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐๐ข๐๐ฌ ๐๐ซ๐๐๐ญ๐๐ ๐ข๐ง๐ฌ๐ข๐๐ ๐ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ฆ๐ข๐ง๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐ซ๐ฒ. ๐๐ก๐๐ฒ ๐๐ซ๐ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ฌ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐ฎ๐๐ญ ๐จ๐ ๐ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ฒ ๐จ๐ซ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ข๐๐๐๐ฌ ๐จ๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐ฆ๐ข๐๐ฌ, ๐๐ข๐ฉ๐ฅ๐จ๐ฆ๐๐ญ๐ฌ, ๐ญ๐๐๐ก๐ง๐จ๐๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ฌ, ๐จ๐ซ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐๐ฌ. ๐๐ก๐๐ฒ ๐๐ซ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐ฎ๐๐ญ ๐จ๐ ๐ ๐ง๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐๐จ๐ง๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ฌ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐ข๐ง๐ฏ๐จ๐ฅ๐ฏ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐จ๐ฎ๐ฌ๐๐ง๐๐ฌ ๐จ๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง๐ฌ ๐๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ ๐๐ฅ๐ฅ ๐ฐ๐๐ฅ๐ค๐ฌ ๐จ๐ ๐ฅ๐ข๐๐ ๐ฐ๐ก๐จ ๐ฐ๐๐ซ๐ ๐ ๐ข๐ฏ๐๐ง ๐๐ง ๐จ๐ฉ๐ฉ๐จ๐ซ๐ญ๐ฎ๐ง๐ข๐ญ๐ฒ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐๐ฅ๐ข๐๐๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ ๐จ๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ง๐ญ๐ซ๐ฒ’๐ฌ ๐ฆ๐จ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐๐ข๐๐๐ข๐๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ญ ๐ช๐ฎ๐๐ฌ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ. ๐๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ฆ๐๐ค๐๐ฌ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐๐ฑ๐ญ๐ซ๐๐จ๐ซ๐๐ข๐ง๐๐ซ๐ข๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ฌ๐ข๐ ๐ง๐ข๐๐ข๐๐๐ง๐ญ.
๐ ๐๐๐ ๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ ๐ข๐ง ๐ซ๐๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ฌ๐
๐๐ก๐๐ซ๐ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฐ๐๐ซ๐๐ฎ๐ฅ ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐๐ฅ๐ฅ๐๐ฅ ๐๐๐ญ๐ฐ๐๐๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐๐ ๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ ๐๐ง๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐’๐ฌ ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐๐ข๐๐ฅ๐จ๐ ๐ฎ๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ. ๐๐ก๐ ๐๐๐ ๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ ๐ซ๐๐ฉ๐ซ๐๐ฌ๐๐ง๐ญ๐๐ ๐๐ง ๐๐๐ซ๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ฆ๐จ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ฐ๐ก๐๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ซ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐๐ ๐๐๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ซ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐๐ซ ๐๐๐๐๐ฉ๐ญ ๐ฅ๐ข๐ฆ๐ข๐ญ๐ฌ ๐จ๐ง ๐ก๐ข๐ฌ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฐ๐๐ซ. ๐๐ก๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐๐ข๐๐ฅ๐จ๐ ๐ฎ๐ ๐ซ๐๐ฉ๐ซ๐๐ฌ๐๐ง๐ญ๐ฌ ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฆ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ญ๐๐ง๐ญ๐ข๐๐ฅ๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐๐ฏ๐๐ง ๐ฆ๐จ๐ซ๐ ๐๐ฑ๐ฉ๐๐ง๐ฌ๐ข๐ฏ๐: ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ข๐ง๐ฏ๐ข๐ญ๐๐ ๐๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐ณ๐๐ง๐ฌ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ข๐๐ฎ๐ฅ๐๐ญ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ก๐๐ง๐ ๐๐ฌ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ฒ ๐๐๐ฅ๐ข๐๐ฏ๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐ ๐ง๐๐๐๐ฌ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฌ๐ ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฅ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ง๐ญ๐ซ๐ฒ’๐ฌ ๐๐๐๐ฉ๐๐ฌ๐ญ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐ฅ๐๐ฆ๐ฌ.
The Magna Carta was extracted from a king under the pressure of rebellion. The Ethiopian Recommendations are the product of dialogue rather than battlefield victory; consultation rather than coercion; deliberation rather than armed confrontation. That distinction matters enormously. The historic message of the Conference is that Ethiopians do not have to resolve every political disagreement through violence. Political grievances can be brought to the table. Competing interests can be debated. Differences can be negotiated. Common ground can be found.
๐๐ก๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐๐ฌ ๐ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฉ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐๐ซ ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐
The most important question now is what happens to the Recommendations. They should not be treated as another government report destined to sit on a shelf. They should be understood as a popular mandate for reform.
The Recommendations cover an extraordinary range of issues. They include proposals concerning constitutional reform, public policy, institutional and regulatory reform, economic restructuring, fiscal and monetary policy, research and future policymaking, and reforms intended to improve the long-term performance and productivity of the Ethiopian economy. Taken together, they constitute a remarkably broad diagnosis of the problems facing the country and a menu of possible solutions. They demonstrate the intelligence, diligence, practical knowledge, and political maturity of the delegates.
๐๐ฎ๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ข๐ซ ๐ฌ๐ข๐ ๐ง๐ข๐๐ข๐๐๐ง๐๐ ๐ ๐จ๐๐ฌ ๐๐๐ฒ๐จ๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ข๐ง๐๐ข๐ฏ๐ข๐๐ฎ๐๐ฅ ๐ซ๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ. ๐๐ก๐๐ฒ ๐ซ๐๐ฉ๐ซ๐๐ฌ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ ๐ง๐๐ฐ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฌ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ซ๐๐ฅ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐ก๐ข๐ฉ ๐๐๐ญ๐ฐ๐๐๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐ฌ๐ญ๐๐ญ๐ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐ฉ๐๐จ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐: ๐๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐๐จ๐๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ก๐๐ฏ๐ ๐๐ฅ๐ฅ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ง๐ฌ๐ฐ๐๐ซ๐ฌ. ๐๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐๐จ๐๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ค๐ง๐จ๐ฐ ๐๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ฒ๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐ง๐ . ๐๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ฆ๐ฎ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐ฅ๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐๐ง. ๐๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ฆ๐ฎ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ญ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ฐ๐จ๐ซ๐ค ๐ฐ๐ข๐ญ๐ก ๐๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐ณ๐๐ง๐ฌ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง. ๐๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ฆ๐๐ฒ ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ญ๐ข๐ฆ๐๐ญ๐๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐ฏ๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐จ๐ง๐๐๐ซ๐๐ง๐๐’๐ฌ ๐ฆ๐จ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐๐ง๐๐ฎ๐ซ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐๐จ๐ง๐ญ๐ซ๐ข๐๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง.
๐๐ก๐ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐๐ฌ ๐ฌ๐๐ซ๐ฏ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ง๐๐ซ ๐จ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐๐จ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐
The Recommendations embody a different conception of political authority. In the traditional authoritarian model, the government tells society what it must do. In a participatory democratic model, government listens to society, works with society, and derives legitimacy from serving the public interest.
๐๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐๐ข๐๐ฅ๐จ๐ ๐ฎ๐ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐๐ฌ๐ฌ, ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ก๐๐ฌ ๐ข๐ง๐ฏ๐ข๐ญ๐๐ ๐๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐ณ๐๐ง๐ฌ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ข๐๐ข๐ฉ๐๐ญ๐ ๐ข๐ง ๐ฌ๐๐ฅ๐-๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐๐ง๐๐ ๐๐ฒ ๐๐ฌ๐ค๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ฆ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ข๐๐๐ง๐ญ๐ข๐๐ฒ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐ฅ๐๐ฆ๐ฌ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฌ๐ ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฅ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ. ๐๐ฒ ๐๐จ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ฌ๐จ, ๐ข๐ญ ๐ก๐๐ฌ ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ข๐๐ข๐ญ๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ซ๐๐๐จ๐ ๐ง๐ข๐ณ๐๐ ๐๐ง๐ ๐๐๐๐๐ฉ๐ญ๐๐ ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฆ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐ง๐ ๐๐ฎ๐ง๐๐๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ๐๐ฅ: ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐๐จ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐ซ๐ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ฆ๐๐ซ๐๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ฌ๐ฎ๐๐ฃ๐๐๐ญ๐ฌ ๐จ๐ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ; ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ฒ ๐๐ซ๐ ๐ฌ๐ญ๐๐ค๐๐ก๐จ๐ฅ๐๐๐ซ๐ฌ, ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ข๐๐ข๐ฉ๐๐ง๐ญ๐ฌ, ๐๐ง๐ ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ญ๐ข๐ฆ๐๐ญ๐๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฎ๐ซ๐๐ ๐จ๐ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐ฅ๐๐ ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐ฆ๐๐๐ฒ. ๐๐ก๐ข๐ฌ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ฐ๐ก๐ฒ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐๐๐ง ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ ๐ ๐ฆ๐จ๐๐๐ซ๐ง ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐๐ช๐ฎ๐ข๐ฏ๐๐ฅ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐จ๐ ๐ ๐๐ซ๐๐๐ญ ๐๐ก๐๐ซ๐ญ๐๐ซ, ๐ ๐๐๐ ๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ซ๐ญ๐.
๐๐ก๐ ๐ซ๐๐ฌ๐ฉ๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐ข๐๐ข๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ฒ ๐จ๐ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ
The Ethiopian government’s response will determine whether this historic opportunity is realized. PM Abiy Ahmed has repeatedly expressed his intention to implement the recommendations of the National Dialogue Conference with good will and in good faith. That commitment should now be translated into a serious, systematic, transparent implementation program.
Implementation does not mean that every recommendation must be adopted immediately or literally. Some recommendations will require constitutional amendments. Others will require legislation, regulations, institutional reforms, policy changes, research, resources, or further public consultation.
Government must distinguish between what can be implemented immediately and what requires longer-term institutional or constitutional change. It should prioritize recommendations that address root causes rather than merely symptoms, while recognizing that practical constraintsโincluding financial resources, institutional capacity, technical expertise, time, and administrative capabilityโwill inevitably affect implementation.
๐๐ก๐ ๐ญ๐๐ฌ๐ญ ๐จ๐ ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐ฌ๐ก๐จ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐ ๐ฌ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐: ๐๐จ๐๐ฌ ๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐ฌ ๐ซ๐๐๐จ๐ซ๐ฆ ๐๐๐๐ซ๐๐ฌ๐ฌ ๐ ๐ ๐๐ง๐ฎ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ง๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐ฅ๐๐ฆ? ๐๐ฌ ๐ข๐ญ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ? ๐๐ฌ ๐ข๐ญ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ซ๐๐๐๐ฅ๐? ๐๐๐ง ๐ข๐ญ ๐๐ ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐ฏ๐๐ฅ๐ฒ? ๐๐ข๐ฅ๐ฅ ๐ข๐ญ ๐ฌ๐ญ๐ซ๐๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ง ๐ข๐ง๐ฌ๐ญ๐ข๐ญ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ก๐๐ซ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ง ๐ฐ๐๐๐ค๐๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ฆ? ๐๐ข๐ฅ๐ฅ ๐ข๐ญ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐ฎ๐๐ ๐ฎ๐ง๐ข๐ง๐ญ๐๐ง๐๐๐ ๐๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐๐ช๐ฎ๐๐ง๐๐๐ฌ? ๐๐ง๐ ๐๐จ๐๐ฌ ๐ข๐ญ ๐๐๐ฏ๐๐ง๐๐ ๐ ๐ฆ๐จ๐ซ๐ ๐ฉ๐๐๐๐๐๐ฎ๐ฅ, ๐ข๐ง๐๐ฅ๐ฎ๐ฌ๐ข๐ฏ๐, ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ง๐ญ๐๐๐ฅ๐, ๐๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ฆ๐จ๐๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ข๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐? ๐๐ก๐๐ซ๐ ๐ฌ๐๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐๐ฅ ๐ฅ๐๐ ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐ฆ๐๐ญ๐ ๐จ๐ฉ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐๐ฑ๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ, ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ฌ๐ก๐จ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐ก๐จ๐จ๐ฌ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ฉ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐๐ก ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐๐๐ฌ๐ญ ๐๐ข๐ญ๐ฌ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐’๐ฌ ๐ข๐ง๐ฌ๐ญ๐ข๐ญ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ, ๐๐ข๐ง๐๐ง๐๐ข๐๐ฅ, ๐๐ง๐ ๐จ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐ซ๐๐๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐ฌ. ๐๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ ๐ซ๐๐ฃ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐จ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐๐จ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐’๐ฌ ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐. ๐๐ญ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ก๐จ๐ฐ ๐ ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐๐ฌ ๐ฐ๐จ๐ซ๐ค๐๐๐ฅ๐ ๐ฉ๐ฎ๐๐ฅ๐ข๐ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐๐ฒ.
๐ ๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ ๐ง๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐๐ข๐๐ฅ๐จ๐ ๐ฎ๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ ๐ง๐๐ฐ ๐ฌ๐จ๐๐ข๐๐ฅ ๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฉ๐๐๐ญ
The deepest significance of the Recommendations for me lies in their potential to become the foundation of a new Ethiopian social compact, one that is much more than a collection of government programs and policies. They should serve as a structured understanding between citizens and the state about how political power should be exercised, what citizens can expect from government, and what responsibilities government owes to society.
๐๐ก๐ ๐๐๐ ๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ ๐๐๐๐๐ฆ๐ ๐ก๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐จ๐ซ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐จ๐ซ๐ญ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐๐๐๐๐ฎ๐ฌ๐ ๐ข๐ญ ๐ก๐๐ฅ๐ฉ๐๐ ๐๐ฌ๐ญ๐๐๐ฅ๐ข๐ฌ๐ก ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐ข๐ง๐๐ข๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐๐ฎ๐ญ๐ก๐จ๐ซ๐ข๐ญ๐ฒ ๐ก๐๐ฌ ๐ฅ๐ข๐ฆ๐ข๐ญ๐ฌ. ๐๐ก๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐๐ข๐๐ฅ๐จ๐ ๐ฎ๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐๐๐ง ๐๐ฌ๐ญ๐๐๐ฅ๐ข๐ฌ๐ก ๐๐ง ๐๐ช๐ฎ๐๐ฅ๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐จ๐ซ๐ญ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐ข๐ง๐๐ข๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐จ๐ซ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐: ๐๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐๐๐ฅ ๐๐ฎ๐ญ๐ก๐จ๐ซ๐ข๐ญ๐ฒ ๐ฆ๐ฎ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐๐ ๐๐ฑ๐๐ซ๐๐ข๐ฌ๐๐ ๐ข๐ง ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ง๐๐ซ๐ฌ๐ก๐ข๐ฉ ๐ฐ๐ข๐ญ๐ก ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐๐จ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ข๐ง ๐ซ๐๐ฌ๐ฉ๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฅ๐๐ ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐ฆ๐๐ญ๐ ๐๐ฌ๐ฉ๐ข๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐จ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐๐จ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐.
The long-term goal should therefore be to translate the Recommendations, where appropriate, into constitutional, legislative, institutional, and policy reforms that endure beyond any particular government or political party. It should depend upon strong institutions, enforceable laws, democratic accountability, and an informed and engaged citizenry. That is how a political moment becomes a political settlement.
๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐’๐ฌ ๐ ๐ซ๐๐๐ญ ๐๐ฑ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐ข๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ข๐ง โ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฅ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐ฅ๐๐ฆ๐ฌโ
For me, one of the most important achievements of the National Dialogue Conference is that Ethiopia has demonstrated something to itself. Ethiopian problems can be addressed through Ethiopian dialogue.
The dialogue process was fundamentally Ethiopianโplanned, organized, managed, debated, and deliberated by Ethiopians. International partners and outside experts could offer assistance, but the central process belonged to Ethiopians. This is important because societies emerging from deep political and social divisions are often told that they must import models developed elsewhere. Ethiopia has demonstrated another possibility. Its own traditions of consultation, reconciliation, community deliberation, elder mediation, consensus-building, and collective responsibility can be adapted to modern national governance.
The Conference therefore offers a model not only for Ethiopia but potentially for other societies struggling with deep divisions. Its lesson is that peace does not require everyone to agree on everything. It requires institutions through which people can disagree without destroying one another.
The Conference did notโand could notโsolve every Ethiopian problem. No conference could. Ethiopia’s conflicts are too deep, its history too complicated, and its challenges too large. But it achieved something essential: it created a national space in which competing perspectives could be brought together, grievances could be expressed, solutions could be debated, and areas of common ground could be identified. That achievement should neither be exaggerated nor underestimated.
๐ ๐ฆ๐จ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐ก๐๐ง๐ ๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐ก๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐จ๐ซ๐ฒ
The significance of the National Dialogue Recommendations may not be fully understood today. History often reveals the importance of political documents only decades or centuries later. The Magna Carta itself did not create modern democracy in 1215. Its immediate beneficiaries were limited. Its provisions were repeatedly challenged and reissued. Yet the principles associated with it became part of a constitutional tradition that ultimately transformed Britain and influenced political thought around the world.
The Ethiopian National Dialogue Recommendations could have a similar historical trajectory. Their importance will depend upon what Ethiopia does with them. If they are ignored, they will become another missed opportunity. If they are selectively implemented for political convenience, their transformative potential will be diminished. But if they are treated as a national mandate for institutional reform, translated into durable laws and institutions, and protected from the changing interests of individual governments and political parties, they could become one of the foundational documents of a new Ethiopian political order.
In that sense, the comparison with Magna Carta is not a claim that the two documents are legally identical. It is a claim about historical aspiration and political significance. The Magna Carta said, in essence: The ruler is not above the law. The Ethiopian National Dialogue Recommendations can say something equally powerful: The government exists to serve the people, must listen to the people, must be accountable to the people, and must work with the people to solve the country’s problems. That is a profound change in political culture.
๐ ๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ ๐ฐ๐๐๐ฉ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ฃ๐จ๐ฒ
On March 9, 2015, when I asked whether Ethiopia could have its own Magna Carta, I was writing out of frustration and hope. I longed for an Ethiopian political order in which the rule of law was more than words on paper and in which citizens could genuinely influence the political institutions that governed their lives.
Today, on August 22, 2026, I look at more than 4,000 Ethiopians who spent weeks deliberating over the country’s most difficult questions, following years of preparation, and I see a great consensus that gives me reason for hope. We did not simply talk about Ethiopia. We helped write a vision for Ethiopia to last for centuries. We came from different places. We carried different experiences. We held different political beliefs. We did not agree on everything. Yet we sat together. We listened. We argued. We negotiated. We searched for common ground. And WE produced recommendations when implemented will MAKE ETHIOPIA GREAT AGAIN. The Conference must end, but the national dialogue must continue.
๐๐ก๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐๐ง๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐ฌ๐ก๐จ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ ๐ ๐ฌ๐ญ๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ข๐ง๐ญ ๐๐จ๐ซ ๐ ๐ง๐๐ฐ ๐๐ซ๐ ๐จ๐ ๐ข๐ฆ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง, ๐ข๐ง๐ฌ๐ญ๐ข๐ญ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐ซ๐๐๐จ๐ซ๐ฆ, ๐๐๐ฆ๐จ๐๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ข๐ ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ข๐๐ข๐ฉ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง, ๐๐ง๐ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ง๐ญ๐๐๐ฅ๐ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ. ๐๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐๐ ๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ ๐ก๐๐ฅ๐ฉ๐๐ ๐ญ๐๐๐๐ก ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฐ๐จ๐ซ๐ฅ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ซ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐๐ซ ๐ฆ๐ฎ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐๐ ๐ฌ๐ฎ๐๐ฃ๐๐๐ญ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ฅ๐๐ฐ, ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐’๐ฌ ๐๐ซ๐๐๐ญ ๐๐ก๐๐ซ๐ญ๐๐ซ ๐๐๐ง ๐ก๐๐ฅ๐ฉ ๐๐๐ฆ๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐ญ๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐๐ซ๐ข๐๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ง๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ฌ๐ญ๐ซ๐จ๐ง๐ ๐๐ฌ๐ญ ๐ฐ๐ก๐๐ง ๐ข๐ญ ๐ฅ๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐๐ง๐ฌ ๐ญ๐จ, ๐ฐ๐จ๐ซ๐ค๐ฌ ๐ฐ๐ข๐ญ๐ก, ๐๐ง๐ ๐ซ๐๐ฆ๐๐ข๐ง๐ฌ ๐๐๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ง๐ญ๐๐๐ฅ๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ข๐ญ๐ฌ ๐ฉ๐๐จ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐. ๐๐ก๐ข๐ฌ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ๐ข๐ฌ๐ ๐จ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐๐ข๐๐ฅ๐จ๐ ๐ฎ๐. ๐๐ญ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐๐๐๐ญ ๐ฌ๐จ๐ฅ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง. ๐๐ญ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ง๐ ๐จ๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐’๐ฌ ๐๐ข๐ฌ๐๐ ๐ซ๐๐๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ๐ฌ. ๐๐ญ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ข๐ง๐๐ฅ ๐ฐ๐จ๐ซ๐ ๐จ๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ง๐ญ๐ซ๐ฒ’๐ฌ ๐๐ฎ๐ญ๐ฎ๐ซ๐.
But it is a new beginning in which Ethiopians increasingly settle their differences not through force, but through dialogue; not through domination, but through compromise; not through rulers imposing their will upon society, but through citizens participating in shaping the government that serves them. If faithfully implemented and transformed into enduring institutions, the Recommendations of the Ethiopian National Dialogue Conference may come to be remembered generations from now as one of those rare moments when a nation changed the direction of its history.
What Magna Carta came to represent for Britain and the Western world, the Ethiopian National Dialogue Recommendations can become for Ethiopia and the African world: a Great Charter of popular participation, accountable government, constitutionalism, and a renewed social compact between the state and its people.
๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ง๐ค ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ฅ๐ฆ๐ข๐ ๐ก๐ญ๐ฒ.
This is finally the morning I have been waiting for after decades of watching helplessly generations being lost in political conflict.
๐ ๐ซ๐ข๐๐ง๐๐ฌ, ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐๐ง๐ฌ, ๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ง๐ญ๐ซ๐ฒ๐ฆ๐๐ง ๐๐ง๐ ๐ฐ๐จ๐ฆ๐๐ง. ๐๐๐ง๐ ๐ฆ๐ ๐ฒ๐จ๐ฎ๐ซ ๐๐๐ซ๐ฌ!
๐๐ก๐ ๐ฐ๐๐๐ฉ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ง๐๐๐ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐๐ง๐๐ฎ๐ซ๐ ๐๐จ๐ซ๐๐ฏ๐๐ซ. ๐๐ก๐ ๐ฆ๐จ๐ซ๐ง๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ก๐๐ฌ ๐๐จ๐ฆ๐. ๐๐จ๐ฐ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ฒ๐จ๐ฎ๐ซ ๐ญ๐ข๐ฆ๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ ๐๐ญ ๐ฎ๐ฉ, ๐ฌ๐๐๐๐ฅ๐ ๐ฎ๐ฉ, ๐ฌ๐ฎ๐ข๐ญ ๐ฎ๐ฉ, ๐ ๐๐๐ซ ๐ฎ๐ฉ, ๐๐ฎ๐๐ค๐ฅ๐ ๐ฎ๐ฉ, ๐๐ง๐ ๐ฌ๐ญ๐๐ซ๐ญ ๐๐ฎ๐ข๐ฅ๐๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐๐ฐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐.
๐๐๐ญโ๐ฌ ๐๐ฅ๐ฅ ๐ฉ๐ฎ๐ญ ๐จ๐ฎ๐ซ ๐ฌ๐ก๐จ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐๐๐ซ๐ฌ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฐ๐ก๐๐๐ฅ, ๐ง๐จ๐ฌ๐๐ฌ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ ๐ซ๐ข๐ง๐๐ฌ๐ญ๐จ๐ง๐ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ฐ๐จ๐ซ๐ค ๐๐/๐/๐๐๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐.
๐๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐จ๐ฉ๐ข๐โค๏ธ
Originally posted on X (Twitter)
https://x.com/AlMariam1/status/2091425844233187457
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